Site Fwd: Okinawa Outreach: Citizens’ Network for Biodiversity in Okinawa demands halt to construction of U.S helipads in Yanbaru Forest

(Okinawa Defense Bureau and Peace Bamboo)


Ten Thousand Things
Okinawa Outreach: Citizens’ Network for Biodiversity in Okinawa demands halt to construction of U.S helipads in Yanbaru Forest
Aug. 26, 2011

Okinawa Outreach, a new blog edited by Okinawan scholars and activists, offers news, photos, & analysis directly from Okinawa.

Its July reports describe efforts by the Citizens’ Network for Biodiversity in Okinawa (Okinawa BD) to obtain answers from the Okinawan Defense Bureau (the Japan Defense Bureau's branch in Okinawa) regarding U.S. military plans for training accident-prone military Osprey aircraft in biodiverse Yanbaru Forest. The Citizens’ Network for Biodiversity in Okinawa demanded a halt to the construction of helipads which the U.S. wants to locate in one of the most well-preserved areas of the forest, a habitat for numerous endangered species unique to northern Okinawa.

Okinawa Outreach also provided updates to the Okinawan Defense Bureau's November 2008 legal action against 15 residents of the Takae community (including a child), who, since July 2007, had been conducting a peaceful sit-in protest against the helipad construction on the prefectural road near the construction sites. Many consider this frivolous litigation, a SLAPP (strategic lawsuit against public participation) action, intended to intimidate and silence critics. The next hearing is scheduled for the end of August:

READ MORE(information and photos)

Text Fwd: Okinawans Continue to Resist in Takae

* Image source: Ten Thousand Things
'Okinawans engaged in nonviolent action to protect their beloved, biodiverse Yanbaru Forest from unwanted U.S. military training helipad construction. Photo: The Situation in Takae Higashimura and Yanbaru Forest website.'
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See also Ten Thousand Things
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* Text fwd from Corazon Valdez Fabros on Feb. 26, 2011

Huffington Post
Okinawans Continue to Resist in Takae
John Feffer
Co-director, Foreign Policy in Focus
February 25, 2011


Some animals should be endangered. Consider the V-22 Osprey. The tilt-rotor aircraft, which takes off like a helicopter but flies like a plane, costs more than a $100 million apiece, killed 30 personnel in crashes during its development stage, and survived four attempts by none other than Dick Cheney to deep-six the program. Although it is no longer as crash-prone as it once was, the Osprey's performance in Iraq was still sub-par and it remains a woefully expensive creature. Although canceling the program would save the U.S. government $10-12 billion over the next decade, the Osprey somehow avoided the budget axe in the latest round of cuts on Capitol Hill.

It's bad enough that U.S. taxpayers have to continue to support the care and feeding of this particular Osprey. Worse, we're inflicting the bird on others.

In a small village in the Yanbaru Forest in northern Okinawa, the residents of Takae have been fighting non-stop to prevent the construction of six helipads designed specifically for the V-22. The protests have been going on since the day in 2007 when Japanese construction crews tried to prepare the site for the helipads. "Since that day, over 10,000 locals, mainland Japanese, and foreign nationals have participated in a non-stop sit-in outside the planned helipad sites," writes Jon Mitchell at Foreign Policy In Focus. "So far, they've managed to thwart any further construction attempts. At small marquee tents, the villagers greet visitors with cups of tea and talk them through their campaign, highlighting their message with hand-written leaflets and water-stained maps."

It's all part of the plan that would shut down the aging Futenma air base in Okinawa, relocate some of the Marines to Guam, and build a new facility elsewhere in Okinawa. The overwhelming majority of Okinawans oppose this plan. They want to shut down Futenma, and they don't want any new U.S. military bases.

But the Japanese government has essentially knuckled under to U.S. pressure to move forward with the agreement. Building these helipads in a subtropical forest, with a wide range of unusual wildlife, is all part of the deal.

The recently re-elected Okinawan governor Hirokazu Nakaima opposes the relocation plan. And, according to Pacific Daily News, "Nakaima may actually have the authority to disrupt the plan because of his authority under the Japan Public Water Reclamation Act, which gives the Okinawa governor final authority over reclaimed land."

Washington has said that it won't move forward on the deal without local support.
The Osprey is a budget-busting beast. The Okinawans don't want it. Both Tokyo and Washington are desperate to trim spending.

The V-22 is one animal well worth driving toward extinction.

[Site Fwd:Ten Thousand Things] Solidarity Appeal against the Illegal Arrest Of 2 Okinawan anti-war Activists

Ten Thousand Things
Thursday, February 24, 2011
Solidarity Appeal against the Illegal Arrest Of 2 Okinawan anti-war Activists


Peaceful Feb 20 protest at U.S. Embassy, Tokyo. Footage of the violent arrest at 4:00.

Two activists have been arrested during a demonstration in front of the US embassy in Tokyo on February 20th. Despite pre-arrangements to hold talks with the embassy, the activists were arrested with no explanation. The footage above shows a police officers using unnecessary force in arresting a submissive activist, one officer grabbing the activist by the hair while lifting him from the protest area to a police vehicle.

An appeal against the injustices on 2.20 by the "Rescue Committee for the Feb. 20 repression in front of the US Embassy in Japan" follows:

We strongly condemn these arbitrary and illegal arrests and demand the immediate release of the 2 activists. This demonstration was against the construction of a heliport that is part of the US military base in Takae, Okinawa. This construction is carried out despite the opposition by the people of Takae town. We had asked for talks with the US embassy which they granted us to be held at 16:00 on Feb.20. The police of Akasaka district agreed to stand nearby the embassy.

When we arrived at the rendez-vous place, the police wouldn't let us go near the embassy, [and] resorted to violence against 2 activists and arrested them. When another activist asked the police on what grounds, the reason for the arrests,they said that" the reason would be given later, after the arrests." This answer is a total denial of rights. A protest is a legitimate and legal right of citizens that the police cannot deny through violence.

After the arrests, the police refused us the request to hold talks at the embassy by asking us threateningly if we wanted to be arrested like the others. The police prevented lawyers to see the arrested activists on the first day. All these acts by the police are illegal. The response of the US embassy is that they had commissioned the talks with the citizens at the Akasaka police district.

It is clear that these arrests are a message from the Japanese and US governments that any opposition to US military bases will be suppressed by force. We condemn the illegal arrests and demand the immediate release of the arrested activists.

February 22nd protests against the arrest and violation of human rights by the Akasaka police department at Kasumigaseki Public Prosecutor's Offices

Information in French： http://d.hatena.ne.jp/ametaiQ/20110224/1298557024

Information in Japanese:　http://d.hatena.ne.jp/ametaiQ/20110220

Demand the release of the activists by calling:

The Akasaka Police Station +81-3475-0110
The US Embassy in Japan +81-3224-5000
The Japan Embassy of your country of resident.
*Send solidarity messages to: ametaiq@gmail.com

- Posted by Jen Teeter

Video Fwd: Fwd: Two arrested in the demonstration at US Embassy in Tokyo

* Informed by Satoko Norimatsu and Kyle Kajihiro on Feb. 22, 2011



'At the demonstration on February 20 in front of US Embassy in Tokyo toprotest forceful construction of helipads in Takae, Yanbaru, twoactivists were arrested. They are still detained, from what we read onthe net.See from around 3:30 minutes.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OnwiaVSQ1ig

Satoko Norimatsu
Peace Philosophy Centre, Vancouver http://peacephilosophy.com
Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus http://japanfocus.org
UBC Education/Centre for the Study of Historical Consciousness http://www.cshc.ubc.ca/ '

[Site Fwd: Ten Thousand Things] VOICE OF OKINAWA

See also Peace Philosophy Center


Ten Thousand Things
VOICE OF OKINAWA
Takae's helipad issue — Criticizing Sen. Inouye
Yoshio Shimoji
Naha, Okinawa

Futenma is not the only base issue anguishing Okinawa these days. There's a village called Takae in northern Okinawa and the problem facing Takae is that, in return for an unused portion of the U.S. Marine Corps Northern Training Area, Tokyo agreed with Washington to construct six helipads (diameter: 75 meters each) for the U.S. Marines' V-22 Ospreys in the lush forests surrounding the village.

The helipad construction is apparently interconnected with the planned relocation of the Futenma air station to Henoko, located also in northern Okinawa. The noise pollution caused by the Ospreys is said to be beyond human forbearance as the storm of protest showed lodged against the Marines on January 27 by the citizens of Brewton, Alabama, for the maneuvering of the Ospreys at the city’s airport.


Takae's lush forest where Tokyo wants to construct of six helipads (diameter of 75 meters each) for U.S. military V-22 Ospreys. Over 192 plant and animal (most are endangered) species are unique to this area. Photo: Yoshio Shimoji)

Takae sits amidst lush forests and natural beauty. Imagine how horrible its beautiful landscape would become if the construction actually started. The training and the deafening noise of the infamous Ospreys would certainly destroy the peaceful environment for not only the Takae villagers but also those precious species, some already listed as endangered, that are indigenous to Yanbaru (or Northern Okinawa Highland).



According to the February 12 Japan Times, Senator Daniel Inouye again urged Tokyo to make headway for the early relocation of Futenma, saying “The U.S. side has been patient, although it cannot wait indefinitely.” This is a gangster’s typical pet line when he intimidates others — that is, Senator Inouye is threatening Tokyo to expedite Washington’s decades-old design of Futenma’s relocation to Henoko.

He may not know, but the Marines or the U.S. Navy representing them submitted to U.S. Congress every fiscal year in the 1960’s a blue print for the relocation of Futenma to Henoko for a budgetary approval, which was never approved because of sky-rocketing Vietnam War expenditures. How dare he say “the U.S. side cannot wait indefinitely”? That’s a laughing matter, indeed.

(The blueprint for a new air station, a military port, and a pier, from the Master Plan of Navy Facilities on Okinawa, 1966. Image: Asia-Pacific Journal)

Mr. Shimoji's "The Futenma Base and the U.S.-Japan Controversy: An Okinawan Perspective" was published at The Asia Pacific Journal earlier this year.

His letter letter, "How dare Obama ask Hatoyama to act without regard to democratic process in Okinawa?" was published at the The New York Times on May 28, 2010, and his article, "'Thanks' Doesn't Allay Okinawans," was published on July 11, 2010, at The Japan Times.

Petition Fwd: Stop building USmilitary helipad and save the Okinawa forest!

* Fwd from Corazon Valdez Fabros on Feb. 15, 2011


Petition: Stop building USmilitary helipad and save the Okinawa forest! (click)
Target: Mr.President Obama
Sponsored by: Sumiko Uda
Dear Mr.President Obama,

Okinawa people need your help.
Japanese government starts destroying the forest for building the US helipad,
without investgation of Redlisted animals.


Please tell Mr.Kan to stop destroying Okinawa forest.


There is Jungle Warfare Training Center of United States Marine Corps (7,500 ha) in the area called Yanbaru %u2013 Northeast mountain side of Higashi and Kunigami village, Okinawa. Subtropical natural forest and mountain stream remain, and the area provides habitats for over 4,000 species of wildlife. 11 animals and 12 plants are peculiar to the Yanbaru area. A large number of Threatened Species are listed in the Red List, 188 species in Okinawan Red List, and 177 in the Red List of Environment Ministry. Jungle Warfare Training Center and the Yanbaru Forest around the center have quite important natural environment and biodiversity including numerous endemic, endemic subspecific, and threatened species.


%u3000Northern half of the Jungle Warfare Training Center is scheduled for retiring to Japan. However, the construction of 6helipads (75m in diameter) and roads are required in return. If the helipads are constructed and military exercises carry out, it is considered to have serious adverse effect on forest and the wildlife living in the area.


Okinawa People call for the cancellation of helipads.


Natural environment and the wildlife living in the Jungle Warfare Training Center are of considerable value as World natural heritage. IUCN urged both Japanese and American governments to consider other alternatives, including Zero Option (option of no constriction), also to set up a protected area and management action plan for Okinawa Woodpecker and Okinawa Rail in the years of 2000 and 2004. The government should also call off the helipads constriction plan to the security and tranquil life of the people who lives in Takae, Higashi village,
situated next to the helipads.

[Site Fwd: Ten Thousand Things] Okinawa Governor Nakaima & Mayors Hand U.S. Military Base Closure/No New Base Request to Japanese PM Kan

Ten Thousand Things
Okinawa Governor Nakaima & Mayors Hand U.S. Military Base Closure/No New Base Request to Japanese PM Kan
Friday, February 11, 2011

(Governor Nakaima hands request to Prime Minister Kan, asking him to move the U.S. Marine Air Station Futenma off the island and to cancel a proposal for new base in Henoko. Photo: Ryukyu Shimpo.)

On Feb. 8, Governor Nakaima and a group of Okinawan mayors handed a request to Naoto Kan, asking the Japanese prime minister to move the US Marine Air Station Futenma off the island and to cancel the plan for a new "replacement" mega-base in Henoko, an environmentally sensitive area on the island. The mayors included Mayor Susumu Inamine of Nago City, Mayor Takeshi Asato of Ginowan City, and 9 other mayors from base-hosting communities.

Their request, the first formal request of 2011, follows a 15-year sit-in protest at Henoko; a 3-year protest at Takae in Yanbaru Forest; numerous statements, plebiscites, resolutions, elections, and mass protest rallies across Okinawa over the past fifteen years — all demanding the closure of Futenma and the cancellation of the proposal of a new U.S. base at Henoko.

(Message to US Marine Air Station Futenma painted on the roof of Ginowan City Hall. Photo: Ginowan City, via Futenma-Henoko Action Network)In March 2010, Satoko Norimatsu, a scholar of Okinawan issues and peace educator, asked:

"How many of these elections, plebiscites, resolutions, and mass-scale rallies do the central government and US Government need to hear about in order to REALLY get the message - one simple message that Okinawa (nor any other prefecture) does NOT want another base?"

Okinawans have tried to get their message through to Tokyo and Washington via lawsuits; articles and books; an advertisement in the Washington Post; statements across rooftops, in the sand, on t-shirts, painted on faces, spelled out in candlelight by human formation, on monuments; and flying from banners on boats and flag posts; through songs, photographs, and festivals; and global solidarity rallies with supporters wearing dugong masks and Okinawa woodpecker hats.

READ MORE

Text Fwd: Another Okinawa Battle

See also Ten Thousand Things

Wednesday, February 9, 2011

Petition from Okinawa to President Obama: Tell Prime Minister Kan to stop building helipads & save Yanbaru Forest in Okinawa!

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* Text fwd from Corazon Valdez Fabros on Feb. 10, 2011


Tokyo Notes

Another Okinawa Battle

Feb. 9, 2011


In June 2009, Okinawa Prefecture became the unexpected political graveyard of Yukio Hatoyama, who quit after months of struggling to bear the weight of a pledge he made to its citizens.

Hatoyama had come to power the previous September promising to tackle one of the great Cold War anomalies. For over half a century, constitutionally pacifist and neutral Japan had sheltered beneath the US military umbrella as a loyal (and in recent years increasingly proactive) ally. ‘We're still in Cold War mode,’ he lamented to me before he took power.

Two years later, the former prime minister appears to still recognise the long-term unsustainability of that arrangement. ‘The idea of having one nation’s military based on another’s soil and depending on its military is not something seen anywhere else in the world,’ he told the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Japan on February 2. ‘I felt that this was something the Japanese people couldn't avoid confronting.’

Today in Okinawa, reality is sharply at odds with Hatoyama’s good intentions. Activists there say the Japanese and US authorities have begun a new push to break the 15-year-old stalemate over replacing old US military facilities.

At Henoko, site of a proposed US military seaport that includes an 1,800-metre runway to replace the Futenma Marine Air Station in the middle of Ginowan City, a concrete wall is being erected to separate civilian and military land on the beach. That’s likely the first move toward construction.

Meanwhile, the citizens of Takae, a 160-household village in Yanbaru Forest, have been protesting round-the-clock against the renewed construction (since December 22) of six US helipads to accommodate the V-22 Osprey aircraft. The villagers say that forcible constructionthat forcible construction would pave the way for a similar strategy on Henoko. They’ve accused the authorities of harassment.

If anything has changed since 2009 it’s this: Democratic Party of Japan politicians are, perhaps, more vocal about Okinawa’s burden than their Liberal Democratic Party predecessors. ‘It doesn’t make sense’ to put 75 percent of US military facilities on 0.6 percent of Japan’s land, admits DPJ rising lawmaker Taketane Kiuchi. But there the hand wringing ends and the realpolitik begins: ‘We have already made a promise, country-to-country, so we have to go ahead with moving the base to Henoko,’ he adds.

Hatoyama agrees. ‘If the Henoko facility can't be built, the airbase in Futenma will be made permanent, and this is an option that we should avoid at all costs,’ he told the FCCJ audience.

The mainland press has been quick to back this scenario, and warn of a huge spike in military spending—held at 0.9 percent to 1.0 percent of Japan’s GDP for decades—if it begins uncoupling from the security alliance with the United States. Opting for the Hatoyama route meant that Japan ‘would have to increase its 5-trillion-yen defence budget by 10 percent annually for the next 10 years,’ warned Sentaku political magazine in February 2010.

The latest push on Okinawa also follows last year’s spatlast year’s spat between Japan’s coastguard and a Chinese trawler, which badly mauled bilateral relations and added to Japanese conservative paranoia about Beijing’s strategic aims in Asia. Conservatives in Japan are now increasingly vocal about China’s growing military clout, with some speculating that it is operating spies and provocateurs in Okinawa, the prelude to an eventual claim on the islands.

Hideshi Takesada, executive director of the National Institute for Defence Studies, recently told the Shingetsu Institute that Chinese professors in Japan have been ‘spreading Chinese government propaganda’ to their students, in line with Beijing’s interests. Takesada is apparently concerned that China will soon make a formal claim to Okinawa by citing old manuscripts of the Qing dynasty showing these territories as being tributary.

Such views may be taken as the inevitable if troubling by-product of Japanese anxiety as it accommodates uneasily to the growing Chinese bulk—or as something more foreboding. There are few peaceful historical precedents for such a huge transition of power and influence from one nation to another. But whatever happens, there seems little doubt that Okinawans will be asked keep bearing the weight of the US-Japan military pact—and may in fact be forced to shoulder more.

The pact keeps Okinawa largely out of sight and mind of the mainland, until a protest or particularly heinous crime on the prefecture pushes it back onto the nation’s front pages. It remains to be seen how Okinawans will react to the latest initiative; in his FCCJ speech, Hatoyama appeared to offer a coded warning to the administration of Naoto Kan. While advising the government to push ahead with the relocation, he added: ‘We can't be too optimistic about the government’s prospects (about the base on Henoko).’

‘Many things will depend on the construction methods—it should be made in such a way that is friendly to the environment, and it shouldn’t be permanent. The land needs to be returned to the people of Okinawa. What’s needed before then is frank and fair discussion,’ he said.

But the time for talking may have ended.

[Site Fwd: Peace Philosophy Centre] Takae in Crisis

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* M. S. in Japan also informed as the below on Feb. 1, 2011

'Like in Jeju, rspectively in Henoko and in Takae, the planned constructionhas been proceeded to the next stage.
http://henoko.ti-da.net/e3270781.html
http://d.hatena.ne.jp/hansentoteikounofesta09/20110110
Our administration seems to be determined to enforce both the plans, no matter what,in spite of demonstrations and opposition appeals now being carried out by citizens again and again.
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Peace Philosophy Center
Takae in Crisis
Feb. 01, 2011

Below photos are from the Takae blog. The Okinawa Defense Bureau's contractors forcibly started construction work at the end of last year, and today, several dump trucks and 50 - 60 workers came and threw bags of gravels over the fence at multiple entry points of Northern Training Area. There are not enough protesters to stop the construction work, and people in Takae and Okinawa are calling for action.

For Okinawans' struggle against US/Japan's plan to build six additional helipads for US Marine Corps use in the Northern Training Area (Jungle Warfare Training), please see the LINK HERE. These new helipads, where faster, heavier, noisier, and dangerous MV-22 (Osprey) will be using, will endanger the lives of local residents and further damage the pristine, and biologically rich and vulnerable Yambaru Forest in Nothern Okinawa.

Telephone and/or Fax and tell them to stop it.

Okinawa Defense Bureau 沖縄防衛局 098-921-8131

Japanese Ministry of Defense 防衛省03-5366-3111

Cabinet Secretary 内閣官房 03-5253-2111

Okinawa Prefecture 沖縄県知事公室基地対策課　

TEL：098-866-2460　FAX：098-869-8979

Higashi Village Office　TEL：0980-43-2201　FAX：0980-43-2457　

US Embassy in Japan: http://tokyo.usembassy.gov/t-main.html TEL: 03-3224-5000

Call the Diet members and political parties you support and/or voted for, and ask them to tell the Ministry of Defense and Okinawa Defense Bureau to stop the construction of new helipads

[Site Fwd: Peace Philosophy Center] V-22 Osprey "extremely noisy with a horrific racket"

Peace Philosophy Center

V-22 Osprey "extremely noisy with a horrific racket"

Jan. 27, 2011

Okinawan newspapers on January 27 reported that the residents of Brewton, Alabama complained about the noise caused by the V-22 Osprey used in the US Air Force training mission at their municipal airport, and the Air Force offered apology and told the local airport authority that the squadron will not come back. “Those aircraft are extremely noisy with an horrific racket," the airport director is quoted in the local news (see below).

It is disturbing news for Okinawa, as USMC is planning to deploy Ospreys in Henoko and Takae, two places in Northern Okinawa where military expansion is planned despite the opposition from local residents. Okinawans are worried, not just about their noise, but about the reported risk of accidents by Ospreys. A recent Pentagon report (below) also indicated the continuing unreliability of the aircraft due to "cracking or prematurely failing hinges and access doors, engine and drive components within the nacelle structure, flight control system failures, wiring and swashplate actuators." The aircraft killed thirty people during the course of development, and killed four in a crash in Afghanistan in April 2010.

In late December, a US helicopter hovered over and damaged the protesters' tent in Takae, where US/Japan are planning to build six new helipads (Osprey-capable) surrounding a residential area, but the authorities have not even confirmed that it was a US Marine helicopter that did it. It is unacceptable that a plan to use noisy and dangerous aircraft like V-22 Osprey is not properly disclosed to local residents and there has been no assessment of risks associated with Ospreys in the environmental assessments on both places.

READ MORE

Text Fwd: Jan 10 Takae action in Tokyo

* Images from http://takae.ti-da.net/e3311781.html
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* The below summary was thankfully sent by Satoko Norimatsu, Peace Philosophy Center on Jan. 14, 2011


'Here is a report of Jan 10 Takae action in Tokyo.

The English [solidarity] messages are:
http://d.hatena.ne.jp/hansentoteikounofesta09/20110113/1294903187

[Koreans' solidarity message] was reposted at their site.
http://d.hatena.ne.jp/hansentoteikounofesta09/20110107/1294420385

Takae situation is still serious. About the heli hovering incident,

Mabe Ro, Chief of Okinawa Defense Bureau visited Takae tent, with 200
spectators.
Ryukyu Asahi news clip:
http://www.qab.co.jp/news/2011011324049.html

The most adorable is a picture of Mabe and his staff eating pork miso
soup at the end of this entry:
http://takae.ti-da.net/e3311781.html

But the situation is far from adorable. Mabe says he got a report from
the US military that there was a heli exercising at that time, but the
pilot denies having hovered there at that time. Mabe, being interrogated
by residents, only says there is discrepancy between Yamashiro Hiroji,
who was there at that time and the US military side.'

Video and image forward: Update on Tokyo Action for Okinawa on Jan. 10 오키나와를 위한 일본인들의 1월10일 동경 행동 이미지와 비디오들

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Regarding the statement of Koreans' solidarity for Okinawa on Jan. 7(click)
1월 7일 오키나와 를 위한 한국인 연대 성명서와 관련 (클릭)

Update on Jan. 12, 2011:

J. D. in the Ten Thousand Things thankfully informed as the below on Jan. 11, 2011. J. D. says:

"Futenma is not an AFB (Air Force Base). These are bases under US Air Force jurisdiction. It's US Marine Corps Air Station. Newspapers shorten it to Marine Air Station.

Marine Corps Air Station Futenma or MCAS Futenma (ICAO: ROTM) is a United States Marine C"


Otheriwise, M. S., Anatakara, Japan and Satoko Norimatsu, Peace Philosophy Center, Japan/ Canada informed the bad news that the reconstruction of the helipads in Takae were resumed on Jan. 11, 2011. Satoko Norimatsu informed The January 10 action in Tokyo drew about 100 people and the link on the protest news. See the videos and photos, here. (http://d.hatena.ne.jp/hansentoteikounofesta09/)

2011 년 1월 12일 업데이트:

'1만개의 것' 블로그의 J. D. 가 2011년 1월 1일 아래와 같이 감사히 알려왔습니다. J. D. 는 말하길:

"후텐마 기지는 공군 기지가 아닙니다. 이 곳은 미공군 관할 하에 있습니다. 이 곳은 미 해병대 공군 기지입니다. 신문들은 해병대 공군 기지라고 축약합니다.

후텐마 해병대 공군 기지 또는 후텐마 MCAS Futenma ICAO: ROTM) 는 미국 해병대 군단입니다. "

한편 일본 아나타카라 사이트의 M. S. 와 재 캐나다 일본사이트인 평화 철학 센터의 사토코 노리마투가 타카에의 헬리콥터 발착장이 재개되었다는 나쁜 소식을 2011년 1월 11일 알려왔습니다. 사토코 노리마투는 도쿄의 1월 10일 행동에 약 100여명이 모였으며 시위 소식 링크를 알려왔습니다. 비디오와 사진들을 보시길. http://d.hatena.ne.jp/hansentoteikounofesta09/)

_______________________________________________

*All the sources of the below images and videos (Japanese site): Thanks to Satoko Norimatsu
* 아래 이미지와 비디오의 출처(일본어 사이트): 사토코 노리마투에 감사

http://d.hatena.ne.jp/hansentoteikounofesta09/

Text Fwd: New Year 2011, Okinawa and the Future of East Asia

Inside the damaged tent, an hour after the helicopter hovering incident in Takae
(Photo from Ryukyu Shimpo)

Protesters showing “NO” formed with empty cans on Henoko Beach, so Prime Minister Kan can see from his helicopter. (Photo from Okinawa Taimusu)


* Text sent from Corazon Valdez Fabros on Jan. 11, 2011


Japan Focus
New Year 2011, Okinawa and the Future of East Asia
by Gavan McCormack, Norimatsu Satoko and Mark Selden

The mood across East Asia as 2011 dawns is one of foreboding. Can the militarization and confrontation that gathered momentum through 2010 in the spiral of incidents (Cheonan in March, Senkaku in September, Yeonpyeong in November) and massive regional war rehearsals by the US and its allies be halted and reversed? The fear that events might slide during 2011 into catastrophe is hard to resist.

In Japan, the gloom was compounded by a sense of despair at the betrayal of its electoral pledges by the Democratic Party of Japan, and the reassertion of precisely the clientelist and neo-liberal policies the DPJ had attacked on the part of its conservative Liberal Democratic Party predecessors when it won office in 2009. Then, Hatoyama Yukio, enjoying near landslide support, promised far-reaching change: an “equal” relationship with the United States, closer ties with China, the vision of an East Asian Community and the transformation of the South China Sea into a “Sea of Fraternité,” a reversal of the “structural” (i.e., inequality deepening) “reforms” of the LDP, and the recovery without substitution in Okinawa of the US base lands in the middle of Ginowan City (Futenma Marine Air Station). By late 2010, these promises had either evaporated or been reversed under a combination of American and conservative Japanese pressures, and reinstatement of policies if anything to the right of the LDP. As this happened, the nine month Hatoyama government’s support fell steadily, from 70 plus per cent in September 2009 to around 20 per cent in May 2010 on the eve of its collapse, and that of the Kan Naoto government that succeeded it from 60 plus per cent in June 2010 to around 25 per cent by year’s end. Dispirited, disillusioned and feeling disfranchised, far more Japanese people supported no party than either of the two main parties. One looked in vain to the Kan government for any regional or global diplomatic initiative to reverse the vicious cycle of regional confrontation. Instead, it seemed to have embraced at least as passionately as its predecessor the role of US subordinate “client state” in which resort to military power increasingly overshadowed diplomacy.

Hatoyama Yuki and Hu Jintao at the bilateral summit on October 10, 2009. There Hatoyama proposed the idea of transforming the East China Sea into a “Sea of Fraternité,” which was welcomed by Hu.

Yet the process of reconstituting state and economy in Japan to advance the clientelist and neo-liberal agenda is not without challenge. That challenge is best seen through focus on the contest between the national government, the bureaucracy, and almost all the national media on the one hand, and the people of one region, Okinawa, on the other, odds so unequal as to defy even such analogies as David and Goliath. The improbable fact as of early 2011 is that the advantage is with the Okinawan resistance and the nation state is on the ropes. For 14 years now, national governments, one after another, have declared various plans to foist new US Marine Corps high tech facilities on Okinawa but have been consistently beaten back. 2010 marked a significant upswing in the stakes, the intensity of the confrontation, and the overall balance of advantage. It is a mistake to see the Okinawan struggle as local, or “Okinawan,” because its implications are national, regional, and global with the nature of Japanese democracy and US strategic planning for its empire of bases across the Pacific in the balance. For example, the Okinawan resistance has already delayed US plans to expand its bases on Guam with the transfer (paid largely by Japan) of 8,000 Marines and dependents from Okinawa. In 2011 the best hope for peace and democracy in Japan and throughout the region is the continuing success of the Okinawan struggle in stalemating US-Japan plans for base reorganization and expansion.

READ MORE With MORE IMAGES

Text Fwd: Korean solidarity signatories to Okinawa : 123 individuals and 18 organizations, total 141 오키나와 연대를 위한 한국 서명자들: 123 개인과 18개 단체, 총 141 서명

http://d.hatena.ne.jp/hansentoteikounofesta09/
Jan.2nd, 2011 高江を救え！」アピール＆デモの映像
(* Image and link thankfully informed by Anatakara)
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The sites of the Anatakara, Japan(click) and Peace Philosophy Centre, Japan/Canada(click) have also thankfully uploaded the list of the signatories. Click each site.
Too see the Koreans' solidarity statement to Okinawa, to which the below signatories signed, CLICK HERE. (* The statement site includes the video and images on Takae and on Japanese protests for Okinawa.)
The statement can be seen in English, Japanese and Korean language version in order.
The Korean language version of the signatories is below the English version.

일본의 아나타카라(클릭)와 일본/캐나다의 평화 철학 센터(클릭) 사이트 역시 감사히 서명부를 올렸읍니다. 각 사이트를 클릭하시길.
아래 한국 서명자들이 서명한 오키나와 연대 성명서를 보시려면 여기 클릭.
(*위 성명서 사이트는 타카에와 오키나와를 위한 일본인들의 항의에 관한 이미지들과 비디오를 포함합니다.)
성명서는 영어, 일어, 국문 버전 순서입니다.
서명자 국문 버전은 아래의 영문 밑을 보시길.

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The below 123 individuals and 18 organizations, so total 141, signed to the
‘Koreans’ solidarity statement to support the people in Okinawa who oppose against the additional construction of the U. S. marine helipads and relocation of the Futenma U.S. AFB to Henoko’. The signs were collected from Jan. 4 to Jan. 7, 2011.

The summary of the 123 individual signatories is:

Gangjeong villagers in the Jeju Island: total 55
Samsung workers and their colleagues & supporters: total 24
Daechu-ri villagers and citizens in the City of Pyeongtaek: total 11
Staffs and members of the Solidarity for Peace And Reunification of Korea (SPARK): total 11
Citizens in Jeonjoo : total 5
Other individuals: total 17


Organizations: total 18

123 individuals and 18 organizations
Total 140 signatories

These individuals greatly helped to collect the signs.

Mayor Kang Dong-Kyun, Mr. Go Gwon-Il and the Gangjeong villagers; Mr. Kim Seong-Hwan, Representative, Samsung General Labor Union; Mr. Shin Jong-Won, Headman of the Deachu-ri village and Mr. Kang Sang-Won, Director of the Pyeongtaek Peace Center; Mr.You Young-Jae, Director of the USFK Watch team, SPARK and other SPARK staff members; Mr. Lee Jong-Hwa, Institute for Research for Collaborationist Activities, Jeonjoo, Jeollabuk-do; and Mr. Hong Gi-Ryong, Chairman of the Pan-Island Committee for Prevention of Military Base and for Realization of Island of Peace, Jeju Island, along with other committee members.


You Young-Jae, Director of the USFK Watch team, SPARK had the words to deliver to the people in Okinawa: “We, very supporting our comrades’ struggle, wish your success!

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Gangjeong villagers in the Jeju Island: total 55

1. Jeong Young-Hee, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

2. Jeong Kyung-Bo, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

3. Yoon Sang-Hyo, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

4. Cho Yong-Hoon, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

5. Kang Sung-Bo, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

6. Kang Dong-Kyun, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

7. Kim Gab-Deuk, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

8. Ko Shi-Lim, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

9. Kim Chang-Sun, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

10. Kang Boo-Un, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

11. Kim Jong-Hwan, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

12. Kang Hee-Woong, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

13. Kim Bu-Hyeun, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

14. Kim Choon-Sun, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

15. Cho Kyung-Chul, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

16. Kang Sung-Won, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

17. Kang Chung-Ja, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

18. Hyun Young-Hee, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

19. Go Young-Jin, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

20. Kim Kyung-Ja, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

21. Lee Gwang-Sik, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

22. Pyon Eun-Ja, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

23. Kang Sung-Jin, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

24. Lee Sung-Shin, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

25. Kim Jeom-Mook, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

26. Yoon Kyung-Pil, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

27. Kang Jeong-Geun, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

28. Cho Sung-Am, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

29. Kim Min-Soo, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

30. Moon Sang-Chul, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

31. Hyun Chang-Gi, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

32. Go Gwon-Il, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

33. Go Jong-In, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

34. Yang Yoon-Mo, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

35. Kim Young-Sam, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

36. Go Gyung-Min, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

37. Go Yong-Hee, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

38. Go Min-Gyung, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

39. Byun Soon-Ahn, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

40. Go Sung-Lim, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

41. Moon Young-Sook, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

42. Kim Tae-Hee, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

43. Lee Young-Sook, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

44. Kim Hyun-Soo, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

45. Kim Hyun-Mee, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

46. Kang Young-Ae, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

47. Oh Young-Ja, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

48. Yoon Ok-Soon, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

49. Han Jung-Sook, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

50. Cho Sung-Un, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

51. Yoon Soon-Ja, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

52. Cho Sung-Un, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

53. Yoon Bang-Ja, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

54. Go Seung-Hee, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

55. Oh Seung-Jae, Gangjeong-dong, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

Samsung workers and their colleagues & supporters: total 24

56. Kim Seong-Hwan, Representative, Samsung General Labor Union, Incheon

57. Lim Kyung-Ok, Samsung General Labor Union, Incheon

58. Park Kyung-Ryol, Samsung General Labor Union

59. Kim Gal-Eum, Samsung General Labor Union

60. Kim Hannah, Samsung General Labor Union

61. Kim Dae-Moo, Samsung General Labor Union

62. Jung Ae-Jung, Samsung General Labor Union, Gyunggi-do

63. Lee Yong-Gi, Samsung General Labor Union

64. Park Jong-Tae, Samsung General Labor Union

65. Lee Ji-Hyung, Samsung General Labor Union

66. Kim Soo-Haeng, Samsung General Labor Union

67. Kim Woon-Young, Special Committee for the Reinstatement of the Laid-off Workers, Korean Confederation of Trade Unions

68. Shin Jung-Hyun, Special Committee for the Reinstatement of the Laid-off Workers, Korean Confederation of Trade Unions

69. Kang Sung-Chul, Supporting Committee for the Restrained Workers

70. Lee Kwang-Yeol, Supporting Committee for the Restrained Workers

71. Park Kyung-Suk, Supporting Committee for the Restrained Workers

72. Lim Mi Young, Supporting Committee for Prisoners of Conscience, Seoul

73. Mo Sung-Ryong, Supporting Committee for Prisoners of Conscience, Seoul

74. Kim Jin-Soon, Labor Center

75. Shin Jae-Gul, Labor Center

76. Ha Jong-Gang, Labor Center

77. Kim Seung-Ho, Jeon Tae-Il Labor college

78. Lee Yong-Hee, Jeon Tae-Il Labor college

79. Park Seung-Ho, Jeon Tae-Il Labor college

Daechu-ri villagers and citizens in the City of Pyeongtaek : total 11

80. Shin Jong-Won, Headman of the Deachu-ri village, Pyeongtaek, Gyunggi-do

81. Kim Taek-Gyoon, Leader of the New Town (Seamaeul), Deachu-ri village, Pyeongtaek, Gyunggi-do

82. Kim Ji-Tae, Ex-Headman of the Deachu-ri village, Pyeongtaek, Gyunggi-do

83. Kang Sang-Won, Director of the Pyeongtaek Peace Center, Pyeongtaek, Gyunggi-do

84. Kim Jung-Wook, Chairman of Pyeongtaek & Ansung regional branch, Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, Pyeongtaek, Gyunggi-do

85. Lee Jong-Gyu, Secretary of the Pyeongtaek Young Korean Academy (Heungsadan), City of Pyeongtaek

86. Park Geum-Seok, Pyeongtaek Regional Council of the Democratic Labor Party, Pyeongtaek, Gyunggi-do

87. Kim Yang-Hyun, Representative of the Center for Overcoming Unemployment, Pyeongtaek, Gyunggi-do

88. Nam Jung-Soo, Director of the Center for Irregular Workers, Pyeongtaek, Gyunggi-do

89. Heo Eun-Jwa, Chairwoman of the Pyeongtaek Women’s Association, Pyeongtaek, Gyunggi-do

90. Han Do-Sook, Representative of the Korean People’s Artist Federation in Pyeongtaek, Pyeongtaek, Gyunggi-do

Citizens in Jeonjoo: total: 5

91. Lee Jong-Hwa, Institute for Research for Collaborationist Activities, Jeonjoo, Jeollabuk-do

92. Lee Suk-Young, Representative of the Jeollabuk-do Civic Organizations’ Association/ Solidarity for Peace And Reunification of Korea, Jeonjoo, Jeollabuk-do

93. Ha Yeon-Ho, Chairman of the Jeollabuk-do Regional branch of the Democratic Labor Party, Jeollabuk-do

94. Lee Jae-Ho, Secretary of the Jeonjoo regional branch of the Solidarity for Peace And Reunification of Korea, Jeollabook-do

95. Kim Dae-Seung, Secretary of Iksan Regional Branch of the Solidarity for Peace And Reunification of Korea

Staffs and members of
the Solidarity for Peace And Reunification of Korea: total 11

96. You Young-Jae, Director of the USFK Watch Team, Solidarity for Peace And Reunification of Korea

97. Kim Jong-Il, Solidarity for Peace And Reunification of Korea

98. Oh Hye-Ran, Director of Peace & Disarmament Team, Solidarity for Peace And Reunification of Korea

99. Cho Seung-Hyun, Solidarity for Peace And Reunification of Korea

100. Park Suk-Boon, Director of Member Management Team, Solidarity for Peace And Reunification of Korea

101. Kim Young-Je, Director of Labor Matter Team, Solidarity for Peace And Reunification of Korea

102. Joo Jung-Sook, Co-Representative of the Bucheon regional branch, Solidarity for Peace And Reunification of Korea, Bucheon

103. Shin Jung-Gil, Co-Representative of the Bucheon regional branch, Solidarity for Peace And Reunification of Korea, Bucheon

104. Kim Hyun-Sook, Secretary of the Bucheon regional branch, Solidarity for Peace And Reunification of Korea, Bucheon

105. Hyun Ho-Heon, Secretary of the South Gyeonggi-do regional branch, Solidarity for Peace And Reunification of Korea, Pyeongtaek

106. Kim Pan-Tae, Secretary of the Gunsan regional branch, Solidarity for Peace And Reunification of Korea, Gunsan, Jeollabuk-do

Other individuals: total 16

107. Joo, Byung-Joon, Chairman, Ohyun-ri Villiage People’s Committee against the Expansion of the Mugeon-ri Military Training Fields, Paju, Gyunggi-do

108. Bae Yoo-Mee, Department of International Cooperation and Missionary Works, The Presbyterian Church in the Republic of Korea, Seoul

109. Dr. Kim Seung-Kuk, Representative of the Peace Making, Seoul

110. Choe Sang-Cheol, Workers' Institute of Social Science (WISSK), Seoul

111. Pyon Yeon-Shik, Chairperson, Korean Catholic Federation for Justice

112. Kang Byung Yong, Pan Korean Association For Reconciliation (MINHWARYON)

113. Kim Hwan-Young, Secretary of Veterans for Peace, Corea

114. Kim Maria, Coordinator, Peace Network, Seoul

115. Lee Je-Young, Coordinator, Peace Network, Seoul

116. Cheong Wooksik, Representative, Peace Network

117. Lee Tae-Ho, People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD), Deputy secretary general

118. Hyun Ae-Ja, Member of the 17th National Assembly, City Of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

119. Lee Kyung-Won, The Southern Headquarter of Pan Korean Alliance for Reunification, Seoul

120. Won Jin-Wook, The Southern Headquarter of Pan Korean Alliance for Reunification, Seoul

121. Choi Eun-A, Korean Alliance of Progressive Movements

122. Park Suk-Jin, Seoul

123. Choi Sung-Hee, Incheon

Organizations: Total 18

124. Gangjeong Village People’s Council, City of Seogwipo, Jeju Island

125. Workers' Institute of Social Science (WISSK), Seoul

126. Bucheon regional branch, Solidarity for Peace And Reunification of Korea, Bucheon

127. Jeju Solidarity for Participatory Self-Government & Environmental Preservation, Jeju Island

128. Korea Federation for Environmental Movement of Jeju, Jeju Island

129. Jeju Association for Women’s Rights, Jeju Island

130. Jeju Human Rights, Jeju Island

131. Jeju regional branch of the Korean Women Peasant Association, Jeju Island

132. Pan-Island Committee for Prevention of Military Base and for Realization of Island of Peace, Jeju Island

133. Pyeongtaek Peace Center, Pyeongtaek, Gyunggi-do

134. Pyeongtaek /Ansung regional branch of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions

135. Pyeongtaek regional branch of Young Korean Academy (Heungsadan), Pyeongtaek

136. Pyeongtaek Regional Council of the Democratic Labor Party, Pyeongtaek, Gyunggi-do

137. Center for Overcoming Unemployment, Pyeongtaek, Gyunggi-do

138. Center for Irregular Workers, Pyeongtaek, Gyunggi-do

139. Pyeongtaek Peasants’ Association, Pyeongtaek, Gyunggi-do

140. Pyeongtaek Women’s Association, Pyeongtaek, Gyunggi-do

141. Korean People’s Artist Federation in Pyeongtaek, Pyeongtaek, Gyunggi-do


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오키나와를 위한 한국인 연대 서명자들, 2011년 1월 8일

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아래 123명의 개인들과 18개 단체들, 합계 141 서명인들이 ‘타카에의 미 해병대 헬리콥터 발착장 증설과 후텐마 기지를 헤노코로 이전하는 것에 반대하는 오키나와인들의 투쟁을 지지하는 한국인들의 연대 성명서’에 서명했습니다. 서명은 2011년 1월 4일 부터 1월 7일 사이 모아졌습니다.

123 개인 서명자 개요입니다:

제주도 강정 마을 주민분들: 총 55명
삼성 노동자분들과 동료분들 및 지지자분들: 총 24명
대추리 주민분들과 평택 시 시민분들: 총 11명
평화와 통일을 여는 사람들 간부분들 및 회원분들: 총 11명
전주 시민분들: 총 5명
그 외 개인들: 총 17명

단체들: 총 18개

123 개인들과 18 단체들

합계: 141 서명

아래의 분들께서 서명을 모으는데 고맙게 협력해주셨습니다.

강동균 강정 마을회 회장님과 고권일 선생님, 강정 마을 주민분들; 삼성 일반 노조 김성환 위원장님; 대추리 마을 신종원 이장님과 평택 평화 센터 강상원 소장님; 평통사 유영재 미군 문제 팀장님과 여러 평통사 간부분들; 전라북도 전주 민족 문제 연구소 이종화 선생님; 제주 군사 기지 저지와 평화의 섬 실현을 위한 범도민 대책위 홍기룡 위원장님 과 범대위 위원분들.

평통사 유영재 처장님께서 오키나와의 분들께 이렇게 말을 전하셨습니다: “동지들의 투쟁을 적극 지지하며 승리를 바랍니다.”

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제주도 강정 마을 주민분들: 총 55명

1. 정영희, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

2. 정경보, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

3. 윤상효, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

4. 조용훈, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

5. 강성보, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

6. 강동균, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

7. 김갑득, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

8. 고시림, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

9. 김창선, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

10. 강부언, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

11. 김종환, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

12. 강희웅, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

13. 김부현, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

14. 김춘선, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

15. 조경철, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

16. 강성원, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

17. 강청자, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

18. 현영희, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

19. 고영진, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

20. 김경자, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

21. 이광식, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

22. 편은자, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

23. 강성진, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

24. 이성신, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

25. 김점묵, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

26. 윤경필, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

27. 강정근, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

28. 조성암, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

29. 김민수, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

30. 문상철, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

31. 현창기, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

32. 고권일, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

33. 고종인, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

34. 양윤모, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

35. 김영삼, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

36. 고경민, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

37. 고용희, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

38. 고민경, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

39. 변순안, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

40. 고성림, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

41. 문영숙, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

42. 김태희, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

43. 이영숙, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

44. 김현수, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

45. 김현미, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

46. 강영애, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

47. 오영자, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

48. 윤옥순, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

49. 한정숙, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

50. 조성언, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

51. 윤순자, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

52. 조성언, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

53. 윤방자, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

54. 고승희, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

55. 오승재, 제주도 서귀포 강정 마을

삼성 노동자분들, 그 동료분들 및 지지자분들: 총 24명

56. 김성환, 삼성일반노조 대표, 인천

57. 임경옥, 삼성일반노조, 인천

58. 박경렬, 삼성일반노조

59. 김갈음, 삼성일반노조

60. 김한나, 삼성일반노조

61. 김대무, 삼성일반노조

62. 정애정, 삼성일반노조, 경기도

63. 이용기, 삼성일반노조

64. 박종태, 삼성일반노조

65. 이지형, 삼성일반노조

66. 김수행, 삼성일반노조

67. 김운영, 전국민주노동조합총연맹 해고자복직투쟁특별위원회(전해투)

68. 신정현, 전국민주노동조합총연맹 해고자복직투쟁특별위원회(전해투)

69. 강성철, 구속노동자회

70. 이광열, 구속노동자회

71. 박경석, 구속노동자회

72. 임미경, 양심수후원회, 서울

73. 모성룡, 양심수후원회, 서울

74. 김진순, 노동센타

75. 신재걸, 노동센타

76. 하종강, 노동센타

77. 김승호, 전태일노동대학

78. 이용희, 전태일노동대학

79. 박승호, 전태일노동대학

대추리 주민분들과 평택 시민분들: 총 11명

80. 신종원, 평택 대추리 이장

81. 김택균, 평택 대추리 새마을 지도자

82. 김지태, 평택 대추리 전 이장

83. 강상원, 평택 평화 센터 감독, 평택

84. 김정욱, 민주 노총 평택/안성 지부장, 평택

85. 이종규, 평택 흥사단 사무 처장, 평택

86. 박금석, 민주 노동당 평택시 위원회, 평택

87. 김양현, 실업 극복 평택 센터 대표, 평택

88. 남정수, 평택 비정규 센터 소장, 평택

89. 허은좌, 평택 여성회 회장, 평택

90. 한도숙, 평택 민족 예술인 총연합 대표, 평택

전주 시민분들: 총 5

91. 이종화, 민족 문제 연구소, 전주

92. 이석영, 전라 북도 시민 단체 대표/ 평화와 통일을 여는 사람들, 전주

93. 하연호, 민주 노동당 전라북도 위원장, 전북

94. 이재호, 전라북도 전주 평화와 통일을 여는 사람들 사무 국장, 전북

95. 김대승, 익산 평화와 통일을 여는 사람들 사무 국장, 전북

평화와 통일을 여는 사람들 간부분들 및 회원분들: 총 11명

96. 유영재, 평화와통일을여는사람들 미군문제팀장

97. 김종일, 평화와통일을여는사람들

98. 오혜란, 평화와통일을여는사람들 평화군축 팀장

99. 조승현, 평화와통일을여는사람들

100. 박석분, 평화와통일을여는사람들 회원 사업 팀장

101. 김영제, 평화와통일을여는사람들 노동 팀장

102. 주정숙, 부천 평화와통일을여는사람들 공동 대표, 부천

103. 신정길, 부천 평화와통일을여는사람들 공동 대표, 부천

104. 김현숙, 부천 평화와통일을여는사람들 사무 국장, 부천

105. 현호헌, 경기 남부 평화와 통일을 여는 사람들 사무 국장, 평택

106. 김판태, 군산 평화와 통일을여는사람들 사무 국장, 전라 북도 군산

그 외 개인들 : 총 17명

107. 주병준, 무건리 훈련장 확장 반대 주민 대책위 위원장, 경기도 파주시 오현리

108. 배유미, 한국기독교장로회총회 국제협력선교부, 서울

109. 김승국, 평화만들기, 서울

110. 최상철, 노동 사회 과학 연구소, 서울

111. 변연식, 천주교 정의 구현 전국 연합 상임대표

112. 강병용, 민족 화합 운동 연합

113. 김환영, 평화 재향 군인회, 서울

114. 김마리아, 평화 넷트 워크 간사, 서울

115. 이제영, 평화 넷트 워크 간사, 서울

116. 정욱식, 평화 넷트 워크, 서울

117. 이태호, 참여 연대 협동 사무 처장

118. 현애자, 17대 국회 의원, 제주도 서귀포

119. 이경원, 조국통일범민족연합 남측본부, 서울

120. 원진욱, 조국통일범민족연합 남측본부, 서울

121. 최은아, 한국 진보 연대

122. 박석진, 서울

123. 최성희, 인천

단체들: 총 18개

124. 강정 마을회, 제주도 서귀포 시

125. 노동 사회 과학 연구소, 서울

126. 부천 평화와 통일을 여는 사람들, 부천

127. 제주 참여 환경 연대, 제주도

128. 제주 환경 운동 연합, 제주도

129. 제주 여성 인권 연대, 제주도

130. 제주 평화 인권 센터, 제주도

131. 제주 여성 농민회, 제주도

132. 제주 군사 기지 저지와 평화의 섬 실현을 위한 범도민 대책 위원회, 제주도

133. 평택 평화 센터, 경기도 평택

134. 민주 노총 평택/안성 지부, 경기도 평택

135. 평택 흥사단, 경기도 평택

136. 민주 노동당 평택시 위원회, 경기도 평택

137. 실업 극복 평택 센터, 경기도 평택

138. 평택 비정규 센터, 경기도 평택

139. 평택 농민회, 경기도 평택

140. 평택 여성회, 경기도 평택

141. 평택 민족 예술인 총연합, 경기도 평택