Video from his Florida speech in April, 2009
"Bruce Gagnon is the coordinator of the Global Network Against Weapons and Nuclear Power in Space which is comprised of some 150 organizations around the world. Here he talks about how the Obama administrations military policy is shaping up and the hold the military complex has on both Democrat s and Republicans."
Showing posts with label National Space Policy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label National Space Policy. Show all posts
Friday, July 3, 2009
Thursday, March 19, 2009
Text Fwd: UNA-USA NATIONAL CONFERENCE
UNA-USA NATIONAL CONFERENCE RESOLUTION
Educate UNA about the Threat US Strategic Command
Poses to the Peacemaking Goals of the United Nations
WHEREAS, the UN General Assembly annually reaffirms its desire to preserve space for peaceful purposes by a near-unanimous vote for the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space (PAROS) resolution, and
WHEREAS, as a signatory of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, the US has legally obligated itself to disarm its nuclear weapons stockpiles and to forego developing and producing new generations of these weapons of mass destruction, and
WHEREAS, except under the most constrained conditions (where the danger must be imminent and the response not exceed the scale of the threat), the Charter of the United Nations prohibits preemptive attacks without Security Council authorization, and
WHEREAS, in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of 9/11, the executive branch of United States government commissioned US Strategic Command (StratCom) with securing the military domination of outer space, and
WHEREAS, under the auspices of StratCom, the US is not only maintaining an arsenal of thousands of nuclear warheads and seeking to develop more, but has now adopted a strategic posture for the offensive use of nuclear weapons, and
WHEREAS, StratCom is now charged with preemptively attacking (with either conventional or nuclear weapons) any place on earth within one hour that the executive branch unilaterally deems a threat to the US or its interests, and
WHEREAS, UNA-USA chapters and divisions—through their networks—can educate the world about the newly enhanced military threat StratCom now represents to the peacemaking goals of the United Nations:
THEREFORE BE IT RESOLVED, that the UNA-USA commit to educating its member chapters, divisions and international affiliates about how StratCom’s expanded role in the execution of US military policy constitutes an increased threat to peacemaking goals of the UN; and
That the UNA-USA Board develop a statement addressing this destabilizing new threat, submit it to the United Nations, and distribute it to local UNA chapters, divisions and international affiliates; and
That the UNA-USA urge the incoming US Administration to seek ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and meet all of its obligations as a signatory of the Non-Proliferation Treaty; and
That the UNA-USA urge the US Administration to abandon the October 2006 National Space Policy objective of the domination of outer space; and
That the US Administration finally support the annual UN resolution for the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space (PAROS) and promptly undertake negotiations—under the auspices of the United Nations—to negotiate a new treaty respecting the peaceful uses of outer space.
Jointly submitted by the UNA-USA Nebraska Division, Montana Chapter, Monterey Bay CA Chapter, Albuquerque NM Chapter, Pike’s Peak CO Chapter, Northern Colorado Chapter and Seattle WA Chapter.
RESOLUTION DOCUMENTATION
WHEREAS, the UN General Assembly annually reaffirms its desire to preserve space for peaceful purposes by a near-unanimous vote for the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space (PAROS) resolution.
Documentation: Intended to complement to the 1967 “Outer Space Treaty” (banning weapons of mass destruction in space and preserving the Moon and celestial bodies for peace), the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space (PAROS) resolution would prohibit the deployment of conventional space weapons. For over twenty years, the PAROS resolution has annually garnered the support of virtually every member state of the United Nations except the US, which has never once voted for adoption. (The 2008 PAROS vote, in instance, was 177 for, 1 against, with Israel abstaining.) Without the support of the world’s premier space-faring nation, the Conference on Disarmament has been crippled in its efforts to craft additional treaty law around the principle of preserving space for peaceful purposes.
WHEREAS, as a signatory of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, the US has legally obligated itself to disarm its nuclear weapons stockpiles and to forego developing and producing new generations of these weapons of mass destruction.
Documentation: Not only does Article VI of the 1970 Non-Proliferation Treaty legally bind the US to disarm itself of nuclear weapons, the International Court of Justice ruled in July 1996 that, “There exists an obligation to pursue in good faith and bring to a conclusion negotiations leading to disarmament in all aspects under strict and effective international control.”
WHEREAS, except under the most constrained conditions (where the danger must be imminent and the response not exceed the scale of the threat), the Charter of the United Nations prohibits preemptive attacks without Security Council authorization.
Documentation: Article 2, Section 4 of the UN Charter prohibiting “the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state” is routinely contrasted with Article 51 governing the right of self-defense. While ‘preemptive attacks’ are not in every instance illegal under international law, to be justified, the danger must be imminent, allowing no alternative recourse, with the response not exceeding the level of the threat. The US invasion of Iraq accordingly was, in the view of former UN Secretary Kofi Annan, “not in conformity with the UN Charter” and therefore “illegal.” (9/15/04)
WHEREAS, in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of 9/11, the executive branch of United States government commissioned US Strategic Command (StratCom) with securing the military domination of outer space.
Documentation: In October 2002, the US Space Command was moved under the direct control of US Strategic Command, headquartered in Omaha, Nebraska. Four years later in October 2006, the White House issued its revised “National Space Policy,” which openly calls for US military space dominance and asserts that the US has the unilateral right to “dissuade or deter… and deny, if necessary, adversaries the use of space capabilities hostile to US interests.” The policy further rejects future arms control agreements that might “impair” the asymmetric advantage the US now possesses in space.
WHEREAS, under the auspices of StratCom, the US is not only maintaining an arsenal of thousands of nuclear warheads and seeking to develop more, but has now adopted a strategic posture for the offensive use of nuclear weapons.
Documentation: According to the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists (2008), the US has 4,075 active warheads in its nuclear arsenal. This sizable stockpile, however, has not prevented the Pentagon and StratCom from promoting the research, develop-ment and production of new generations of nuclear weapons like the ‘bunker buster’ mini-nuke and the “Reliable Replacement Warhead.” The Bush/Cheney Administration, in turn, paired this technological quest for new and better armaments with an accompanying change in nuclear policy. Upending the US’s longstanding doctrine of strategic deterrence, the 2002 “Nuclear Posture Review” for the first time called for the offensive, ‘first strike’ use of nuclear weapons.
WHEREAS, StratCom is now charged with preemptively attacking (with either conventional or nuclear weapons) any place on earth within one hour that the executive branch unilaterally deems a threat to the US or its interests.
Documentation: The Bush/Cheney Administration’s “doctrine of preemption” was first unveiled in the 2002 “National Security Strategy,” one year to the month after 9/11. As outlined in the strategy, the US arrogates to itself the authority to unilaterally attack another nation on the mere suspicion of a threat to the US’s national interests. Under CONPLAN (Contingency Plan) 8022-02, StratCom was directed by the executive branch to develop a ‘global strike division’ that could turn the administration’s new preemption policy into an operational reality. “In December 2002, Adm. James O. Ellis Jr., then StratCom’s head, told an Omaha business group that his command had been charged with developing the capability to strike anywhere in the world within minutes of detecting a target.” (William Arkin, Washington Post, 5/14/05)
* Related blogs*
http://nobasestorieskorea.blogspot.com/2009/03/text-fed-nebraska-division-una-usa.html
Wednesday, March 18, 2009
Text Fed: Nebraska Division UNA-USA Resolution Get Response
http://nobasestorieskorea.blogspot.com/2009/03/text-fwd-una-usa-cover-letter-wfuna.html
Wednesday, March 18, 2009
Text Fwd: UNA-USA cover letter (WFUNA)
http://nobasestorieskorea.blogspot.com/2009/03/text-fwd-una-resolution-on-stratcom.html
Wednesday, March 18, 2009
Text Fwd: UNA Resolution on StratCom (Appeal letter)
*For more info. on the StratCom, go to *
http://www.nebraskansforpeace.org/nepeace/stratcom/index.php
Text Fwd: UNA Resolution on StratCom
* Text Informed by Tim Rinne, Nebraska Division, UNA-USA, on March 18, 2009
For over half a century, U.S. Strategic Command near Omaha, Nebraska was responsible for one mission and one mission only: command and control of America’s nuclear deterrent. The ‘doomsday machine’ of the U.S.’s military arsenal, Strategic Command symbolized our fears of the ‘unthinkable’ and the threat of nuclear holocaust. For decades during the tense years of the Cold War, the only thing standing in the way of our collective annihilation was that these weapons were in fact never meant to be used. Under the high-stakes doctrine of “Mutual Assured Destruction,” StratCom’s nuclear arsenal was understood to be strictly defensive in intent—to be unleashed only as a last resort when our doom as a planet was already sealed. Looking back, it was just lucky that neither the Soviet Union nor the U.S., it turns out, had really wanted a nuclear war.
Following the tragic terrorist attacks of 9/11, however, StratCom began to undergo a drastic makeover in its role and mission. Between 2002 and 2005, seven more missions were added to its charge, for a total of eight. Besides its historic responsibility for nuclear deterrence, StratCom also assumed command for space, cyberspace, intelligence/surveillance/ reconnaissance, information operations, global strike, missile defense and combating weapons of mass destruction.
Tasked with waging the White House’s “War on Terror,” StratCom today stands ready to attack any place on earth in one hour—with either conventional or nuclear weapons—on the mere suspicion of a threat to America’s national security. Now offensive rather than defensive in purpose, Strategic Command has gone from ‘never supposed to being used’ to ‘being used for everything.’ The current StratCom Commander, General Kevin Chilton, has even stated that he believes the name should be changed from “Strategic Command” to “Global Command” to more accurately reflect its global nature and scope.
For advocates of the United Nations and international rule of law, this ‘New StratCom’ poses three specific concerns.
First, StratCom’s transformation is a direct outgrowth of the Bush/Cheney Administration’s “Doctrine of Preemption.” On its face, this policy is an open violation of the UN Charter forbidding offensive attacks on other nation states (except under the most extraordinary circumstances). The most notorious application of this doctrine is, of course, the invasion of Iraq, which former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan flatly labeled “illegal.”
StratCom, however, is now the White House’s weapon of choice to carry out these unilateral attacks. As a tool of the executive branch, it has become a scofflaw even in its own country, both by usurping Congress’ authority to declare war and by conducting constitutionally questionable spying operations on unsuspecting American citizens.
Second, under the terms of the 1970 Non-Proliferation Treaty and the 1996 Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice, the world’s nuclear states are simultaneously obliged to disarm their nuclear stockpiles and prohibited from developing any new generations of weapons. Since 9/11, however, StratCom has actively lobbied for the research, development and production of the ‘bunker buster’ tactical mini-nuke for use in conventional military conflicts, and for the new “Reliable Replacement Warhead” to upgrade its strategic nuclear readiness.
Coupled with the new offensive authority granted to it in the 2002 “Nuclear Posture Review,” StratCom is now routinely flouting international law governing nuclear armaments at the very moment the U.S. government is hounding Iran over its civilian nuclear program.
Third and finally, the enhanced military menace that StratCom now constitutes with its offensive mission array has largely been made possible by its dominance of outer space—because whoever controls space controls the earth.
In October 2002, when the U.S. Space Command was formally placed under StratCom’s wing, nobody imagined that in less than six months the “Shock and Awe” bombing campaign on Iraq would be launched and executed from StratCom’s headquarters in suburban Omaha. Seventy percent of the weapons targeted on Iraq in that attack were directed from space by StratCom assets. “Shock and Awe” not only demonstrated how sweeping StratCom’s reach now is; it showed how vital space has become to the execution of all of the command’s various missions.
Under the 2006 revised “National Space Policy,” the United States now asserts a right to deny access to space to anyone “hostile to U.S. interests.” In addition to reserving the use of outer space to itself and its approved allies, the revised policy rejects future arms-control agreements for fear they will limit U.S. flexibility in space. As former Space Command General Joseph Ashy brazenly put it, “Absolutely, we’re going to fight from space and we’re going to fight into space.” That belligerent attitude accounts for why the U.S. is now the only country in the entire world to annually vote against the PAROS (Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space) resolution in the UN General Assembly. The 2008 vote, for instance, was 177 for, 1 against.
With its new offensive (and legally suspect) role and mission, U.S. Strategic Command today constitutes a more serious threat to international security than at any time in its history. It is, as the theme of a recent international conference in Omaha aptly expressed it, “the most dangerous place on the face of the earth.” The dramatic changes in StratCom’s reach and purpose have occurred so swiftly, however, that hardly anyone is even aware of what’s happened—let alone comprehends the political and military implications for the world.
As an organization committed to international cooperation, negotiation and peace, the United Nations Association is uniquely positioned to help spread the word about StratCom’s changed role. With its worldwide network, UNA can play a leading part in educating people around the globe about the menace StratCom poses to the goals of the United Nations. Living as we do in the shadow of StratCom, we—the members of the Nebraska Division of UNA-USA—feel a special responsibility to alert our sister chapters around the world of this threat.
We can’t do it alone, though. We need your help to make StratCom an educational priority for the entire UNA. Knowledge is power. But to muster the power needed to stop StratCom, the world must first understand the danger it poses.
* Related blogs*
http://nobasestorieskorea.blogspot.com/2009/03/text-fed-nebraska-division-una-usa.html
Wednesday, March 18, 2009
Text Fed: Nebraska Division UNA-USA Resolution Get Response
http://nobasestorieskorea.blogspot.com/2009/03/text-fwd-una-usa-cover-letter-wfuna.html
Wednesday, March 18, 2009
Text Fwd: UNA-USA cover letter (WFUNA)
http://nobasestorieskorea.blogspot.com/2009/03/una-usa-national-conference-resolution.html
Wednesday, March 18, 2009
Text Fwd: UNA-USA NATIONAL CONFERENCE RESOLUTION
*For more info. on the StratCom, go to *
http://www.nebraskansforpeace.org/nepeace/stratcom/index.php
AN APPEAL TO UNA-USA CHAPTERS
For over half a century, U.S. Strategic Command near Omaha, Nebraska was responsible for one mission and one mission only: command and control of America’s nuclear deterrent. The ‘doomsday machine’ of the U.S.’s military arsenal, Strategic Command symbolized our fears of the ‘unthinkable’ and the threat of nuclear holocaust. For decades during the tense years of the Cold War, the only thing standing in the way of our collective annihilation was that these weapons were in fact never meant to be used. Under the high-stakes doctrine of “Mutual Assured Destruction,” StratCom’s nuclear arsenal was understood to be strictly defensive in intent—to be unleashed only as a last resort when our doom as a planet was already sealed. Looking back, it was just lucky that neither the Soviet Union nor the U.S., it turns out, had really wanted a nuclear war.
Following the tragic terrorist attacks of 9/11, however, StratCom began to undergo a drastic makeover in its role and mission. Between 2002 and 2005, seven more missions were added to its charge, for a total of eight. Besides its historic responsibility for nuclear deterrence, StratCom also assumed command for space, cyberspace, intelligence/surveillance/ reconnaissance, information operations, global strike, missile defense and combating weapons of mass destruction.
Tasked with waging the White House’s “War on Terror,” StratCom today stands ready to attack any place on earth in one hour—with either conventional or nuclear weapons—on the mere suspicion of a threat to America’s national security. Now offensive rather than defensive in purpose, Strategic Command has gone from ‘never supposed to being used’ to ‘being used for everything.’ The current StratCom Commander, General Kevin Chilton, has even stated that he believes the name should be changed from “Strategic Command” to “Global Command” to more accurately reflect its global nature and scope.
For advocates of the United Nations and international rule of law, this ‘New StratCom’ poses three specific concerns.
First, StratCom’s transformation is a direct outgrowth of the Bush/Cheney Administration’s “Doctrine of Preemption.” On its face, this policy is an open violation of the UN Charter forbidding offensive attacks on other nation states (except under the most extraordinary circumstances). The most notorious application of this doctrine is, of course, the invasion of Iraq, which former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan flatly labeled “illegal.”
StratCom, however, is now the White House’s weapon of choice to carry out these unilateral attacks. As a tool of the executive branch, it has become a scofflaw even in its own country, both by usurping Congress’ authority to declare war and by conducting constitutionally questionable spying operations on unsuspecting American citizens.
Second, under the terms of the 1970 Non-Proliferation Treaty and the 1996 Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice, the world’s nuclear states are simultaneously obliged to disarm their nuclear stockpiles and prohibited from developing any new generations of weapons. Since 9/11, however, StratCom has actively lobbied for the research, development and production of the ‘bunker buster’ tactical mini-nuke for use in conventional military conflicts, and for the new “Reliable Replacement Warhead” to upgrade its strategic nuclear readiness.
Coupled with the new offensive authority granted to it in the 2002 “Nuclear Posture Review,” StratCom is now routinely flouting international law governing nuclear armaments at the very moment the U.S. government is hounding Iran over its civilian nuclear program.
Third and finally, the enhanced military menace that StratCom now constitutes with its offensive mission array has largely been made possible by its dominance of outer space—because whoever controls space controls the earth.
In October 2002, when the U.S. Space Command was formally placed under StratCom’s wing, nobody imagined that in less than six months the “Shock and Awe” bombing campaign on Iraq would be launched and executed from StratCom’s headquarters in suburban Omaha. Seventy percent of the weapons targeted on Iraq in that attack were directed from space by StratCom assets. “Shock and Awe” not only demonstrated how sweeping StratCom’s reach now is; it showed how vital space has become to the execution of all of the command’s various missions.
Under the 2006 revised “National Space Policy,” the United States now asserts a right to deny access to space to anyone “hostile to U.S. interests.” In addition to reserving the use of outer space to itself and its approved allies, the revised policy rejects future arms-control agreements for fear they will limit U.S. flexibility in space. As former Space Command General Joseph Ashy brazenly put it, “Absolutely, we’re going to fight from space and we’re going to fight into space.” That belligerent attitude accounts for why the U.S. is now the only country in the entire world to annually vote against the PAROS (Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space) resolution in the UN General Assembly. The 2008 vote, for instance, was 177 for, 1 against.
With its new offensive (and legally suspect) role and mission, U.S. Strategic Command today constitutes a more serious threat to international security than at any time in its history. It is, as the theme of a recent international conference in Omaha aptly expressed it, “the most dangerous place on the face of the earth.” The dramatic changes in StratCom’s reach and purpose have occurred so swiftly, however, that hardly anyone is even aware of what’s happened—let alone comprehends the political and military implications for the world.
As an organization committed to international cooperation, negotiation and peace, the United Nations Association is uniquely positioned to help spread the word about StratCom’s changed role. With its worldwide network, UNA can play a leading part in educating people around the globe about the menace StratCom poses to the goals of the United Nations. Living as we do in the shadow of StratCom, we—the members of the Nebraska Division of UNA-USA—feel a special responsibility to alert our sister chapters around the world of this threat.
We can’t do it alone, though. We need your help to make StratCom an educational priority for the entire UNA. Knowledge is power. But to muster the power needed to stop StratCom, the world must first understand the danger it poses.
* Related blogs*
http://nobasestorieskorea.blogspot.com/2009/03/text-fed-nebraska-division-una-usa.html
Wednesday, March 18, 2009
Text Fed: Nebraska Division UNA-USA Resolution Get Response
http://nobasestorieskorea.blogspot.com/2009/03/text-fwd-una-usa-cover-letter-wfuna.html
Wednesday, March 18, 2009
Text Fwd: UNA-USA cover letter (WFUNA)
http://nobasestorieskorea.blogspot.com/2009/03/una-usa-national-conference-resolution.html
Wednesday, March 18, 2009
Text Fwd: UNA-USA NATIONAL CONFERENCE RESOLUTION
*For more info. on the StratCom, go to *
http://www.nebraskansforpeace.org/nepeace/stratcom/index.php
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