Text Fwd: [ROK MND News Catch Up-May 2 to 4] Korea and U.S. jointly focus more on western islands

Recent News, Ministry of National Defense, ROK
http://www.mnd.go.kr/mndEng_2009/WhatsNew/RecentNews/index.jsp
Uploaded on 2011-05-09
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No. 761
Korea and U.S. jointly focus more on western islands
May 4, 2011

Seoul and Washington once again showed off strong alliance as the United States forces in South Korea supported regular live-firing exercise conducted by South Korean marines on May 3 in waters off Yeonpyeong and Baengnyeong islands near the Northern Limit Line (NLL), de facto maritime border between South and North Korea in the Yellow Sea.

"The United States Forces Korea has improved combat capabilities by assisting South Korea's live-fire drill and revealed firmness of alliance between two countries," said USFK. "Like other regular exercises, U.S. and South Korean forces are able to reinforce joint combat capabilities and communication skills in strategic as well as operational system through this drill."

Gen. Walter Sharp, commander of U.S. Forces Korea and Combined Forces Command, said that not only at western islands near the NLL but also at other strategic places in South Korea, Seoul and Washington are planning to engage in more joint drill in order to reinforce South Korea-U.S. alliance.

"These joint drills are defensive in nature and focused on deterring North Korea's military provocations and preparing for strong readiness in case deterrence effort fails," Sharp said.

In the meantime, USFK said that 16 U.S. marines and army soldiers joined and observed South Korean marine's live-fire drill. U.S. troops were experts in intelligence, artillery and public affairs, USFK said.

"Military Armistice Commission under the United Nations Command has sent multinational observers to the drill site to check if armistice is being properly followed," USFK said. "The group of multinational observers has confirmed that the drill was conducted under armistice and standard authorized by international community."

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No. 760
Ministry invites former ministers to explain policies
May 2, 2011

Former South Korean defense ministers urged the Defense Ministry on April 29 not to proceed with the 307 National Defense Reform Plan with haste but with prudence.

The Minister of National Defense Kim Kwan-jin, second from left, explains detailed plans and its direction of the Defense Reformation Plan 307 to former defense ministers on April 29 at the ministry in Seoul.

The Ministry of National Defense invited 15 former defense ministers to the ministry in Seoul and explained details of the Defense Reform Plan 307, the ministry said. Among a total of 42 former defense ministers since the foundation of the country in 1948, 23 are alive.

"In the late 1980s when a Defense Reform Plan 8·18 was introduced, we told then opposition party leaders Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung that the plan won't be easy but it went right at the end," said a former minister Lee Sang-hoon. "The basic direction of the 307 plan is good. Just take time to fulfill the plan."

Another former minister Cho Young-gil urged the ministry to listen senior ministers' opinions carefully and reflect them in the new reform plan. Former minister Yoon Kwang-ung supported the new plan by saying it is right to hand over some military administration power to the joint chiefs of staff.

"I hope [current Chairman of Joint Chiefs of Staff] Gen. Han Min-koo could arrange the plan properly to realize the reform," said a former minister Ro Jae-hyun.

At the end of the meeting, one former minister said their words are given with a spirit of loving the military, according to a defense official at the ministry. The official also said that former ministers urged the ministry to fulfill the plan by keeping in mind opposing voices toward the plan from some military leaders came out not in purpose of opposition itself but to deliver different views.

The official added the former ministers told the ministry to not only link the new plan with the scheduled transfer of wartime operational control from the United States to South Korea but also collect public opinions and create common grounds to push ahead with the plan.

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No. 759
Marine 1st Division reinforce rapid response skill
May 2, 2011


South Korean Marine 1st Division strengthened its rapid response capabilities by conducting a regimental landing operation called 'Modeling' drill in a bid to maintain firm readiness.



Advance military unit approaches toward a seashore by removing obstacles with 5,000-ton Dokdo seeing behind during a special landing drill conducted by South Korean Marine 1st Division on April 29 in waters off Pohang, North Gyeongsang.

The drill, which took place on April 29 in waters near Pohang, North Gyeongsang, with a 5,000-ton ship Dokdo, Landing Platform Helicopter, surface battleships and some 30 Korean Assault Amphibious vehicles, was implemented aimed at improving advanced combat capabilities and readiness posture.

The goal of maritime drill was to secure a bridgehead after making breakthrough of the sea and penetrating potential enemy's bulwark.

The drill began with advance forces exploding maritime obstacles. Then with a help of fire from warships and fighters, ground forces made landing from the sea and the air. Troops secured coast bridgehead and took over a target area on the land.

The division, in particular, actively applied a new method so-called 'role-based command method' in this landing exercise. Usually, it takes about more than a week to plan for landing drill but this time military engaged in unexpected landing operation.

Commanding officers has to practice quicker control and decision-making efforts in accordance with scale and capabilities of each unit in order to complete the mission in a short period of time.

"The landing operation is focused on making breakthrough of battles when it comes to a standstill in emergencies and eventually deal a de facto power of a potential enemy a severe blow," said Col. Jeong Cha-seong, a commander of the drill. "We will keep on practicing exercise more realistically and stronger so that we can become a unit that can fight and win."

In the meantime, some 800 chief executive officers of small and medium companies observed the drill and engraved themselves the importance of national security.

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No. 758
South Korean Navy gets new frigate
May 2, 2011



The South Korean Navy has launched its new 2,300-ton frigate, the Incheon, in a bid to reinforce its deterrence security threats including those from North Korea.

The new 2,300-ton frigate Incheon is launched on April 29 at a shipyard of its builder, the Hyundai Heavy Industries, in Ulsan.

The launching ceremony of the Incheon was attended by nearly 300 people including Adm. Kim Sung-chan, chief of naval operations, and Lee Jai-seong, Hyundai Heavy Industries president, on April 29 at the industries' shipyard in Ulsan.

The Navy gave the name of the new frigate 'Incheon' and the number '811' at the ceremony. The historical whistle was sounded to celebrate the launch when Kim's wife cut a ceremonial tape.

The Navy is expected to receive the Incheon at the end of next year after going through an evaluation process of the new ship. Its operational deployment is scheduled to begin in the middle of 2013 after several months of testing following the delivery.

The Incheon is known to have higher efficiency than existing 1,200-ton Patrol Combat Corvettes and 1,800-ton frigates. The Navy has built the new battleship much stronger in order to prepare for various future maritime warfares.

In particular, the Incheon is equipped with three-dimensional tracking radar developed with domestic technology, Sound Navigation And Ranging and weapon system capable of hitting mid- and long-range targets. The Navy said about 92 percent of domestic technology is applied to build the Incheon.

The Incheon, measuring 113 meters (370 feet) in length, 14 meters in width and 25 meters in height, has a maximum speed of 30 knots. It can carry a 140 members and one helicopter.

It is equipped with state-of-the art weapons systems and military equipment such as anti-ship and anti-aircraft Rolling Airframe Missiles, as well as a Torpedo Acoustic Counter Measure designed to fight off enemy torpedo attacks.

The Navy is expected that maritime defense capabilities will be more strengthened than before when Incheon is mobilized in full operation and it is going to show the best operational tactics to defend the sea in terms of strategic aspects.

“The enhanced anti-ship, anti-airplane and electronic warfare capabilities of the frigate will effectively annihilate enemy submarines seeking to stealthily invade our waters and anyone attempting to threaten the security of our waters,” said Kim during his speech at the ceremony. “On the occasion of the launch ceremony, we promise that we will stand firm as a strong Navy that is respected by the people and as the most formidable force to our enemies.”

Text Fwd: Navy and Air Force wary of military command restructuring

Hankyoreh
http://english.hani.co.kr/arti/english_edition/e_national/476673.html
Navy and Air Force wary of military command restructuring
:The branches say the Army is moving to place them under their organizational and operational control
Posted on : May.6,2011 15:01 KST
By Lee Soon-hyuk　

A meeting of commanders in the three armed forces is scheduled to take place Friday morning at the Ministry of National Defense building in Seoul’s Yongsan District. The topics under discussion will reportedly include the unwavering implementation of “National Defense Reform Plan 307” and military unity.

At around the same time, around ten former navy and air force chiefs of staff are scheduled to hold a meeting at the Navy Club in Seoul’s Daebang neighborhood in opposition to the changes in the upper military command structure. Regarding these two contrasting events, a military official sighed, “The military is now looking foolish in front of the people of South Korea.”

At present, command and management of the South Korean military is divided into one side that deals with operational command, and an administration side that focuses on operational support areas such as personnel and armaments.

The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff has held authority for the former, while the Chiefs of Staff of the individual armed forces have wielded authority for the latter. But the reorganization plan for the upper command structure would put the Chiefs of Staff within the military command domain. The aim is to establish an unified operational command system and step up cooperation among the Army, Navy, and Air Force.

This conception is linked with Minister of National Defense Kim Kwan-jin’s repeated calls for a “combat-centered military” since assuming his current position. The idea is to remedy the focus of weight on the individuals holding personnel authority, namely the individual Chiefs of Staff, when it should be focused on the individual with combat and operational command authority, namely the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, in light of the military’s fundamental purpose.

“People working at the Joint Chiefs of Staff often have two sets of feelers up,” said an Army general. “One is directed at the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, who is their direct superior, and the other at their own Chief of Staff, who holds personnel powers.”

“How is it possible for an organization like this to focus entirely on preparing for combat and wartime command preparations?” the general asked.

However, observers in the Navy and Air Force suspect an attempt by the Army to effectively requisition their forces. The argument is that it is a move to treat the Navy and Air Force as organizational and operational components of the Army by having a Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff from the Army commanding their Chiefs of Staff directly.

Given the continued focus on the Army since the founding of the armed forces, the Navy and Air Force has some degree of cause for this interpretation, but the Army is disparaging it as a self-centered focus on their own individual forces.

Underlying the controversy is the deep-seated distrust and animosity between the Army on one side and the Navy and Air Force on the other. The ratio of Army generals to Navy and Air Force admirals and generals working together in the Joint Chiefs of Staff is roughly 2.5 to 1 and 1. Observers in the Navy and Air Force noted that the Army accounts for the head of the operational headquarters, a lieutenant general, and head of the operational division, a major general, and that Army, Navy, and Air Force brigadier generals and rear admirals occupy the first, second, and third director positions under them handling terrestrial, marine, and aerial operations, respectively.

“Don‘t just look at the ratio of generals and admirals,” commented one observer. “Look at who is holding the positions with real authority.”

The Army countered, “Even when we put Navy and Air Force generals and admirals in major posts, they don’t have the competence or qualifications, so in a lot of cases they just occupy the position before departing.”

Despite the fact that true improvements of collaboration require less organizational chances and more of a “collective mind,” with each of the forces understanding the characteristics and operations of the others, the current situation is not proceeding in that direction. The military leadership has ignored even the measures for improved collaboration that have been amply available under the current system.

A leading case in point in the area of expertise improvements in the Joint Chiefs of Staff. According to a recent report in the Hankyoreh’s military webzine Defence21, when a North Korean patrol boat ventured south over the Northern Limit Line (NLL) near Baengnyeong Island a few days after the Cheonan sinking last year, mixed in with a group of Chinese fishing boats, then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Lee Sang-eui ordered an attack with live ammunition. The Second Fleet commander objected, citing the established operational regulations, and Kim Tae-young, who happened to be visiting the Joint Chiefs at the time, hurried to restrain the move, so that the Chinese boats were not fired upon, the report stated.

“This is far from the only time that the Army-centered Joint Chiefs of Staff have issued a bewildering order,” said a Navy official. “With the Gulf of Aden operation, it was announced as though the Joint Chiefs of Staff did it, but in reality it was the Navy that oversaw the operation. The mood over here is that we would be happy if the Joint Chiefs of Staff (Army) did not get it our way.”

A source familiar with the military situation said, “Since the change in administrations, even those figures in the Joint Chiefs of staff who had some understanding of Navy and Air Force operations have mostly been pushed out, and expertise there has diminished even further.”
　　
Please direct questions or comments to [englishhani@hani.co.kr]

Text Fwd: [Editorial] On Defense Reform Plan 307: Keep an open mind on pending legislation and gather ideas again.

http://english.hani.co.kr/arti/english_edition/e_editorial/475364.html
[Editorial] On Defense Reform Plan 307: Keep an open mind on pending legislation and gather ideas again.
Posted on : Apr.28,2011 13:16 KST

Controversy is raging over "Defense Reform Plan 307," which is set to change the upper command structure of the armed forces. The Navy and Air Force are objecting particularly strongly, expressing concerns about problems with the concentration of military authority and the diminishing of their own forces. One cannot help but worry that the government may end up harming military solidarity with its reckless pursuit of reorganization of the military system.

The gist of Plan 307 involves strengthening integrated military organization elements of the existing three-force system in order to transform the military into an operation-centered combat organization. To accomplish this, it would give both military command and military administration authority to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and have him preside over operations and personnel affairs for all of the forces through the individual Chiefs of Staff.

The integrated system and three-force system each have their own merits and demerits. However, the biggest problem with Plan 307 is that the legislation has been rushed. The Ministry of National Defense raced to give a presidential report without conducting any proper hearing. After some segments of the armed forces raised objections, an official from Cheong Wa Dae, the presidential office in South Korea, threatened to "regard this as insubordination and strip them of their uniforms." This is a situation where the unrealistic elements should be filtered out after having been reviewed openly within and around the armed forces, yet things have essentially been handled in the opposite way from the beginning.

Another problem is the repeated use of stopgap measures to quiet objections. In a deviation from the original plan, the Ministry of National Defense announced that it would create two or three Deputy Chief of Staff positions and hand operational command to the First Deputy Chief of Staff, who would hold the rank of general. This gives an indication of their intent to give merely nominal authority to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, a position that circulates among the Army, Navy, and Air Force, and have real authority exercised by the First Deputy Chief of Staff, a position appointed by the Army. This is worse than outright creating a distorted organization in which the higher-ranked party is a figurehead and the lower-ranked party holds the real power.


After Air Force observers commented that it was ridiculous for the Air Force Chief of Staff, a general, to be under the wartime command of the U.S. 7th Air Force Commander, a lieutenant general, the response was to create the new position of the lieutenant general-level Deputy Chief of Staff and have this officer subject to the command of U.S. forces. Here we see a strained Procrustean attempt to cut the person down to the size of the bed. With the increase in deputy chiefs in the Joint Chiefs of Staff and different forces, the leadership has swollen further. One has to ask whatever happened to the plan of simplifying the upper command system and getting rid of the dead weight.


On the heels of a Cabinet vote on Plan 307, the Ministry of National Defense announced plans a few days ago to finish the legislative process at the June extraordinary session of the National Assembly. In so doing, it plans to complete the military system reorganizations before the end of the current administration. However, it is difficult to see the reorganization succeeding without sympathies within the armed forces, and there have also been concerns voiced by the National Assembly National Defense Committee. This is not a case where stubbornness will win the day. We hope the government will start over by gathering opinions on military system reorganization with an open mind.

Text Fwd: Abandon Outdated Logic to Achieve Urgently Needed National Defense Reform

Defense Minister Kim Gwan-jin gives an explanation on tasks for national defense reform at the Ministry of National Defense on March 8, 2011. Although there arose some objections from mostly reservists, defense reform is a task urgently demanded by the times we live in.

It has been put off for at least 20 years, and if Koreans fail to do it now, Korea's military simply cannot be renewed, analysts pointed out. The Ministry of National Defense must expand support for defense reform among the actively serving military and also respond resolutely to those who oppose reform out of self-serving purposes.
File photo by the Kyunghyang Daily News
Caption by Seol Wontai, Editor of the Online English Edition
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Kyunghyang Shinmun Editorial
http://english.khan.co.kr/khan_art_view.html?artid=201103301453417&code=790101
Abandon Outdated Logic to Achieve Urgently Needed National Defense ReformMarch 30, 2011


Strong objections are being raised in and outside the military as the passing of the national defense reform bill approaches. Objections from those in active service, most of all from reservists, are of a sufficient level that Cheongwadae (the office of the president) yesterday warned of personnel replacements.

In a situation where national security has entered a critical phase, the impeding of defense reform by those in active service must be regarded as a form of "disobeying of orders" that is hard to condone.

There are two main objections to the so-called "Defense Reform Plan 307," which was decided upon by the Ministry of National Defense (MND) early this month.

The first is that if the plan grants some powers regarding personnel appointment and military supplies to the Joint Chiefs of Staff, this will lead to a concentration of power within the military and contravene the principle of civilian control of it.

This is a logic that has been advocated by the navy and air force since 1988, when the government of President Roh Tae-woo came up with the "long-term national defense preparation development forecast" (the "8.18 Plan"), which essentially pushed for a unified military.

Given that at that time the dark shadow of military coup still lingered, there was some reason behind this logic. Another criticism is that it is inappropriate to reorganize the command structure in the higher echelons of the military at a time when big changes to the security environment on the Korean Peninsula are in progress, including the predicted transfer of power in North Korea next year.

Such criticisms, however, avoid the problems with our military that were revealed by the Cheonan sinking and Yeonpyeong Island incidents. The military showed a lack of coordination, even appearing flustered, both in terms of gathering and processing intelligence before the events, and in terms of reporting and responding afterwards.

The MND has come up with "Plan 307" in order to remedy these problems. Questioning the appropriateness of its timing is, itself, inappropriate.

Given this, it would seem valid to regard objections to defense reform as related to the possibility of tyranny on the part of the army among military services, and to the plan to reduce the number of generals.

If a chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff with an army background is also the head of a unified military headquarters, this could lead to a relative weakening of the navy and air force. And it is a fact that being promoted will become harder for officers if the number of generals drops from 440 to 380 by 2020.

The military's dissatisfaction is understandable. The problem is that, from the point of view of the ordinary Korean people, the military's objections appear to be made out of self-interest. The military must be aware of this.

Defense reform is a task demanded by the times we live in. It has been put off for at least 20 years, and if we fail to do it now, Korea's military simply cannot be renewed. The MND, while continuously increasing support for defense reform among the actively serving military, must respond resolutely to those who reject reform.

It goes without saying that the full support of Cheongwadae is needed here. Reservist groups such as the "Seonguhoe," association of generals, and other groups must also break free from their outdated logic, look at defense reform from a national perspective, and support it. (Editorial, The Kyunghyang Daily News. March 30, 2011)

Text Fwd: Seoul to bolster preemptive strike capability

* Image source: Kyunghyang Shinmun
The Global Hawk first deployed in actual combat in Afghan War in 2001 (File photo)
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Korea Times
Seoul to bolster preemptive strike capability
By Lee Tae-hoon
March 11, 2011

Seoul is seeking a paradigm shift in its defense posture senior military officials said Friday, moving toward beefing up its preemptive strike capability against North Korea by deploying high-tech weapons that could be used to take out its leadership.

“Following North Korea’s two attacks last year, we’ve come to the conclusion that the belligerent behavior of Pyongyang will only end when its leadership realizes that Seoul is capable of conducting surgical strikes or covert operations against them,” a top official said, asking for anonymity.

He said altering the country’s military focus from passive defense to proactive deterrence is one of the three main pillars of the “Defense Reform Plan 307” unveiled by Defense Minister Kim Kwan-jin, Tuesday.

Kim stressed in a press briefing that he would adopt an active defense policy, while seeking to enhance interoperability of the armed forces and streamlining the military command structure.

“I’ll adjust priorities on the country’s military buildup to deal with the North’s asymmetrical threats and a possible local war,” the defense chief said, adding that Seoul will speed up the purchase of high-altitude spy drones and stealth fighters.

Seoul has already asked Washington to sell its Global Hawk unmanned aerial vehicle capable of flying at an altitude of more than 60,000 feet and monitoring enemy locations on the entire Korean Peninsula with pinpoint accuracy.

As part of the FX-III acquisition program, it is also accelerating a stalled plan to replace its aging F-4 and F-5 fighters with combat aircraft with stealth features from 2016.

“The great strength of stealth fighters is that they are capable of infiltrating deep into North Korea and return home after undertaking surprise air raids at anytime, anywhere with high precision without being detected or leaving behind any trace evidence,” a senior Air Force official said.

“Given that stealth fighters are practically invisible, the North will face difficulties in figuring out how often stealth fighters were flying over their land or whether they would conduct an air raid.”
He said Kim wanted to deliver a clear message to the North that should it undertake further attacks against South Korea, Seoul may topple the communist regime by mounting precision attacks on its leadership.

However, the official ruled out the possibility of a preemptive attack on the North, claiming that Seoul is acutely aware that such an action would draw international condemnation and would significantly isolate the country from the rest of the world.

There have been growing calls to beef up military readiness against imminent threats from the North, including possible missile attacks, after Seoul “failed” to properly retaliate against Pyongyang’s two deadly attacks last year.

The North unleashed an artillery attack on Yeonpyeong Island in the West Sea in November, claiming the lives of four people, but the South Korean military failed to locate the exact weapons responsible in time for an effective counterattack.

Last March, a North Korea submarine managed to dodge the South Korean Navy after sinking the frigate Cheonan in the West Sea that killed 46 of the sailors onboard.

한국, 대북 선제타격 능력강화 추진

한국이 북한정권의 심장부를 도려낼 수 있는 최첨단 선제공격 무기 도입을 국방정책 패러다임 전환의 일환으로 추진하고 있다고 국방부 관계자가 11일 말했다.

익명을 요구한 한 고위 관계자는 "국방개혁 307 계획"의 핵심은 방어 중심에서 '선제(preemptive) 공격’을 포함한 적극적 억제전략으로의 전환이라고 말했다.

그는 스텔스 전투기 등을 도입 남한이 원하면 언제든지 평양으로 몰래 침투 김정일을 단번에 제압할 수 있는 능력이 있다는 공포심을 심어 줄 수 있을 정도의 군사력을 갖추어야 앞으로 북의 군사도발이 사라질 거라는 결론을 지난 해 천안함 침몰과 연평도 포격 이 후 내릴 수 있었다고 주장했다.

김관진 장관은 지난 8일 "국방개혁 307 계획"을 발표하며 3군 합동성 강화, 국방운영 효율성 극대화와 더불어 “적극적 대북 억제능력” 강화를 세 가지 중점 분야로 두고 개혁을 추진해 나아가겠다고 밝힌 바 있다.

김장관은 또한 북한의 국지도발과 비대칭 위협에 대비하기 위해 고고도 무인정찰기와 스텔스기를 조기 도입 하는 등 전력증강의 우선순위도 일부 조정하기로 했다 말한 바 있다.

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See also Kyunghyang Shinmun
The Korean Military to Import the 'Global Hawk' and Stealth Fighters Earlier; Likely Influenced by US Government and Industry
Posted on : 2011-03-09 17:09

The military authorities have decided to import unmanned high-altitude reconnaissance planes such as the Global Hawk and the Stealth fighters at an earliest date.

These projects were stopped at the early stage of the Lee Myung-bak government, but were determined to be pursued afterwards, thus raising suspicions that these were influenced by the US lobbyists.

The National Defense Ministry announced 'National Defense Reform Plan 307' on Tuesday, Mar 08, 2011, while saying and that "it will pursue to secure state-of-the-art precision combat capability at an earlier date in order to respond to asymmetrical threats by the enemy.'

It was learned that the government determined to put into combat forces for 2015-2016 the Global Hawk reconnaissance planes and the Stealth fighters

However, voices are mounting that the reasons why the military excluded the unmanned Global Observer are unclear, which are competitors for the Global Hawk, in the course of putting high-altitude the unmanned reconnaissance planes into combat forces.

According to defense industry sources, the Global Hawk can stay in the air of 65,000 feet of altitude in the operational radius of 3000-4000 km for a duration of 38-42 hours, whereas the Global Observer can stay in the same altitude for over one week.

To compare the prices, the Global Hawk costs US$ 45,000,000 per plane and is more expensive than the Global Observer, and the expenditure for management and maintenance for the former is heavier than the latter, which uses hydrogen as fuel.

At first, the Joint Chiefs of the Staff proceeded with the importation of the Global Observer instead of the Global Hawk, but an official related to the Chong Wa Dae opposed the plan, citing that introduction of unverified weapons is inappropriate, it was learned.

In this context, analysts in and out of the military raise the possibility of lobbying activity by the Northrop Grumman which is the producer of the Global Hawk.

Previously, in 2008, the Korean military pushed for a plan to purchase four Global Hawks by 2010 but failed because of the opposition from the Chong Wa Dae's argument that the prices are too heavy.

In the meantime, the Ministry of National Defense decided to hasten the third FX project of introducing additional 60 Stealth-grade fighters, which requires a budget size of 9 trillion won.

The ROK Air Force argued for the necessity of the third FX project from 2007 onwards, but the project did not move forward with no budget allocated.

The talk about the third FX project became livelier with the US Secretary of Defense Robert Gates' visit to Korea in January. However, it is pointed out that if Koreans hasten the project, then it is likely that Koreans will have to buy the Stealth F35 at a higher price.

All the more, it was known that the F35's that the US proposed to Koreans for importation are the initial products that even the US Air Force refused to buy.

Given that the targeted level for the software version for the F35's is 3.0, if Koreans purchased the initial products of the F35's that are equipped with only 0.5 version, upgrading of the software version will require an astronomical cost.

Translated by Seol Wontai, Editor of Online English Edition